Sunday, July 3, 2011

I'm realizing that...

I needed to keep a running list of these, so I am starting this post:

I'm realizing that at least 95% of every phone conversation in India is spent discussing others' matters, not one's own. Surprising?!


I'm realizing that getting married in India is more grueling and rigorous than college admissions in the US. Your past, choice of extra-curriculars, career and salary, and education are considered. But even more, factors like caste, family, height and weight are even more closely inspected. You can't choose these facts; they better be appropriate, or you're screwed!


I'm realizing that I can't escape a darshan with deities anywhere. Calendar art renderings of gods are on every wall of the house, vehicle, outdoor wall (to deter public urination or vandalism), etc. Television shows are dedicated to religious ritual. And even when I close my eyes, the door bell plays the Gaayatri Mantra and the morning 6:15 alarm is set to Om Jai Jagadeesh. A bit much?! 




I'm realizing that the position of Muslims in India is very similar to the position of African-Americans in the US. They are the "ghetto-ed" minority. They are the first targets of suspicion and discrimination. However, when you look to the entertainment industry, both groups reign their fields (be it sports or music or Bollywood) and are adored by millions.
I'm realizing that in an effort to employ the large population, places are often overemployed. This applies to retailers, restaurants, and even airlines. For example, before boarding a flight, one attendant folds the perforated boarding pass and hands it to another attendant to tear it. Also, at McDonald's, people are expected to leave trays on the table so that a waiter can pick it up.

I'm realizing that I speak louder and often more directly than the Indian people I meet. I also notice that in the US we use so many words such as "Thanks" and "Please" and "Excuse Me" superfluously for any sort of transaction, big or small - whether we sincerely mean it or not. I often get blank stares of confusion when I thank people for small acts.

Saturday, July 2, 2011

Post-Midnight Rant


In bed, in the dark, on July 2, 2011, at 3:25am

INSOMNIA!
I woke up around 3am and I can't sleep right now, so I thought I might as well be productive and draft some sort of post. I'm assuming my sleep inconsistencies over the past few days and/or the fact that I attempted going to bed at 9pm – which is insanely early by my college student standards – have contributed to my bit of insomnia at the moment.

Plus...it is raining really hard right now. But at least that maintains a cool breeze through the windows and keeps the temperatures low, so nothing to worry about.

It has now been exactly 24 hours since my flight landed in Bangalore last night at 3:35am, and during my first day, the major story floating in the air was of a marriage alliance fixed by my grandmother who performs what she calls “social work,” but for all intents and purposes, she's a matchmaker. Considering how many people an Indian marriage involves, I guess it is fair enough to consider marriage “social work” in this country.

With this particular marriage alliance, the two “parties” (I believe 'families' would be a more appropriate term, but 'parties' demonstrates the diplomatic process that this system entails) had agreed to the match as of this evening. However, news that a family member of one of the parties had passed away had surfaced. This basically meant that the match was to be broken or delayed since “talks” or “negotiations” between the two families could no longer proceed immediately as scheduled. In effect, the alliance was broken.

Watching the development of this story over the course of the last day, I realized that self-determinism is not to be found within the bounds of a “traditional lifestyle.” With volumes of cultural law, superstition, and astrology as part of a daily existence dictating personal and interpersonal conduct, no wonder so many people turn to religion as a means of re-assurance. If they personally cannot make decisions without obstructions from ritual or custom, they hope a God can make these decisions for them. Because, obviously, the benevolent God can bypass these earthly customs.

Through a broader lens, this lack of self-determinism ingrained into society continues into socio-economic and political spheres as well. No one questions the concept of caste; the societal oppression must be of God's doing and therefore for the better. Or, caste discrimination must have been deserved due to the karmic concept of having performed adharmik acts in a past life. Either way, the oppression of one by another exists as it is. Punishment by law makes no difference if the victims themselves believe it is their role and proper place in society to be oppressed.  

OK...Finished ranting! I think I will lay here for a few more hours before I start a new day. :P

Friday, July 1, 2011

The Amazing Race to Bangalore!


In Bangalore, on Friday July 1, at 1:48pm

I decided to hold off on writing about the rest of my flights until some downtime in Bangalore largely because nothing too exciting or out of the ordinary took place over the course of the flights. However, I would like to summarize my overall impression of each flight.

Detroit – DC: An extremely short flight of around 90 minutes on a United ExpressJet with 1-2 seating. Fortunately, I received the single, window seat which allowed me amazing views of the Detroit area upon take-off, and the DC metro area prior to landing. The flight served a complimentary beverage.

DC – Dubai: The longest leg of my trip consisted of a 13 hour flight, trans-Atlantic, trans- Europe flight. Prior to boarding, security at Dulles went smoothly and quickly with many counters open to speed the transit. Upon boarding, the crew informed us that the flight was full. And that was most definitely the case. The crowd was largely desi families transiting through to South Asia and the flight service reflected this demographic. Two meals were served on the flight. Dinner service included curry and rice, and a pre-landing breakfast service was more curry and rice for vegetarians or a hot turkey and swiss sandwich – I clearly opted for the latter.

On a positive note, on a flight of 13 hours, getting along with the passenger next to you is much appreciated. I introduced myself to a tall, young Indian guy named Suresh. His destination was Chennai and his reason for traveling to India strengthened my confidence in the situations depicted in typical Hindi films.

He had apparently come to the US six months ago to work for the North Carolina government in Raleigh. Before coming to the US, he had promised his fiancee that he would return to marry her. And this summer, he was traveling back to Chennai for 15 days for his marriage. I told my friends that I hoped to sit next to someone interesting and profound on my long flight to Dubai. I guess this is the closest you can get on a flight of Indian families...

I want one...real bad!!
Dubai: I want to include a short note about my brief layover in Dubai. I loved the transit through DXB. Security was quick and very stress-free compared to that at US airports. The airport's interior itself is gorgeous and very characteristic of the city. I loved being able to read and understand the signs in Arabic. I felt very “at-home” in the environment. The diversity of the people passing through Dubai is stunning – truly a confluence between Europe, the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. I'm really hoping to explore the city sometime in the future though I feel there are some much grittier truths to Dubai under the visible blanket of gold and posh skyscrapers.

Dubai – Bangalore: An excellent flight. 3-3 seating. The superiority of these new Indian-owned airlines over traditional American carriers is stunning. I sincerely wish I was on a 13 hour long IAD-DXB flight with the Kingfisher crew rather than with the grumpy attendants on United. The cabin crew were attentive and welcoming, there was a generous amount of food and amenities (for a 4 hour flight), and the flight arrived earlier than scheduled.

Right now, I am happy to be off the plane and at my destination. Hmm...I am very excited to see what the next two months have in store...

Wednesday, June 29, 2011

India 2011 Begins!


Sitting in Detroit Metro Airport, at Gate D6, 12:45pm

The first of three legs of my journey to Bangalore begins in Detroit. We left Grand Rapids around 9am and arrived at the Detroit Metro Airport (DTW) in around 2.5 hours. I entered into the North Terminal for my United flight to Dulles (IAD). Check-in at the counter went smoothly and very quickly. But I am pretty sure the United agent at the counter was not having the best of days. I handed over my confirmation and my US Passport and, after some examination, she asked me, “Do you have a green card?” I was a bit flustered by this question. A green card was not on my list of documents I was constantly being hounded over by my parents. After a moment of “WTH?!!!,” I responded, “Umm...I'm a citizen.” The agent responded with the most acute look of embarrassment on her face and proceeded to process my check-in.

Then going through security, came the necessary emptying of pockets, removal of belt and shoes, and placement of the Mac into the gray security bins. Everything went smoothly until my larger carry-on began to attract the attention of the x-ray examiners. The bag was pulled off the conveyor belt and brought to me for opening and inspection. I denied any sharp objects in the bag, but it turned out that what caught the inspectors' attention was a 3-pack, bulk Costco-size of Vaseline lotion. The inspector looked at me and exclaimed “This is definitely more than 3.4 ounces. You can't take this.” I laughed at myself – so typically desi to have a bulk package of lotion confiscated. The lotions were returned to my dad waiting in the terminal, I put my shoes on, and proceeded to down to Gate D6. It's a beautiful day in Detroit. I'm sitting next to a large window overlooking the tarmac and looking forward to what DC and Dubai will have in store over the next 24+ hours. :)

Saturday, June 11, 2011

Karma and its Transformation: From the Veda to the Bhagavad Gītā


In the globalized twenty-first century, the term karma has pervaded into the daily parlance of many in the West. People employ the word to simply describe one bringing inevitable circumstances upon themselves – either good or bad – due to prior actions (“Karma”). However, the roots of karma develop from much deeper philosophical and cultural backgrounds. Throughout the history of the Indian Subcontinent, the traditions which nurtured the concept of karma changed through shifting priorities, shifting sources of authority, and shifting notions of the Self and the Absolute. Thus, the concept of karma itself has gone through similar transformations in parallel with greater ideologies. This transformation of karma is manifested in three key pieces of Hindu literature. The Veda, Upaniṣads, and the Bhagavad Gītā demonstrate the cornerstone importance of karma to the adherents of Hinduism at their respective stages of the tradition's development.

As the earliest scriptures in what is now termed the Hindu tradition, the Veda serves as an important and appropriate starting place to analyze the roots and development of karma in the Subcontinent. A large focus of the Veda rested on the action of ritual or yajña. As Gavin Flood notes in An Introduction to Hinduism, “In sacrifice the gods could be propitiated, material benefits such as sons or cattle received from them, and the social standing, power, or purity of the sacrificer...enhanced” (Flood 40). In essence, this form of appeasement of the Vedic gods provided to humans a mode of communication with which to assure their well-being in future lifetimes, as well as an incentive for fulfilling codes of dharma in their current life. Flood underscores this connection as he recognizes that “dharma is an obligation, declared by the Veda, to perform ritual action (karma)” (Flood 53). The Veda exemplifies this demonstration of ritual action in accordance with karma as “the liaison between gods and men” (Embree 7).

Practice of ritual as a means of propitiating the gods and seeking their Grace is exhibited in the hymns to various Vedic deities. The Rg Veda, as the earliest of Aryan texts, provides examples of such early Hindu traditions. In a hymn to Agni, worshippers call upon “the chief priest” to “be of easy access to us as a father to his son” and to “join us for our well-being” (Embree 9). Furthermore, the Rg Veda continues on to specify the nature of ritual sacrifice as karma. Sacrifice in the Veda differs from sacrifice in the Western tradition – with most sacrifice in the form of milk, ghee, soma, or grain as oblations to various deities (Flood 40). While this view of karma seems primitive from the modern viewpoint, ritual action satisfied the Aryan society's needs in both a spiritual and practical sense.

The view of karma found in the genre of literature known as the Upaniṣads reflects the internalization of philosophy and thought, as opposed to the materialistic manifestation chronicled in the Vedas. The Upaniṣads emerged as part of a global trend toward philosophical thought, and thus the Upaniṣads presented their teachings in the form of dialogues between two juxtaposing Brahmanical figures such as the teacher and the student – or the king and the renunciant (Flood 83). Moreover, the growing heterodox influence of Buddhism in South Asia also influenced the expansion of karma's role in the Hindu psyche (Flood 86). This shift indicates that “external performance” is no longer the ultimate intention of the worshipper, but rather “knowledge of its deeper meaning” takes precedence in the Upaniṣadic era (Flood 84). Therefore, the acts of ritual dictated by the Veda continued during this time period, however the role of internalization led to further emphasis on contemplation and meditation in order to increase an individual's sense of consciousness (Flood 83).

This trend toward embracing the symbolism and knowledge behind ritual action is prevalent in many of the Upaniṣads. The Chandogya Upaniṣad raises one of the most critical pieces of such knowledge in Hinduism – the relationship between the Self and the Absolute: “Tat Tvam Asi.” Translated as “That thou art,” these texts highlight “the idea that knowledge gives rise to power or energy” (Flood 83). In the specific dialogue, Śvetaketu learns this information from his father, Uddalaka, who repeatedly proclaims: “The finest essence here – that constitutes the self of this whole world; that is the truth; that is the self (Ātman). And that's how you are, Śvetaketu” (Olivelle 152). In addition to these revelations on release from the cycle of Saṃsāra, the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad offers insight into early understandings of the modern concept of karma as a process of intangible, internal actions. Chapter Four of the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad quite blatantly interprets karma in a manner recognizable in modern usage: “He whose works are good becomes good; he whose works are evil becomes evil. By holy works one becomes holy, by evil works, evil. As his desire, so is his resolve, as his resolve, so is his work, as his work, so is his reward” (Roer 235). In these ways, the representation of the karma in the Upaniṣads forms a second step in the transformation of karma from its ancient Vedic roots to its integral role in the narration of the Bhagavad Gītā.

The development of karma in the Hindu tradition reaches its pinnacle in the Bhagavad Gītā as the wartime dialogue between a weary warrior, Arjuna, and his divine charioteer, Kṛṣṇa, contemplates the choice between action and inaction. In a literary context, the Bhagavad Gītā considers itself a title in the genre of Upaniṣads – it too describes the student-teacher relationship between a human and God (“The Upa-nishads”). However, as action in the Veda demanded ritual sacrifice, or internalized knowledge in the early Upaniṣads, the Gītā took ownership of karma through an emphasis on renunciation and detachment. However, this understanding of renunciation (samnyasa) differed greatly from the definition of renunciation in the āśrama system. The Bhagavad Gītā , parallel to other heterodox traditions in the Subcontinent, permitted a new and relatively democratized, accessible variant of renunciation. This style of samnyasa urged the renunciant to remain active within his or her society, conforming to prescribed individual dharma – with the ultimate goal of mokṣa through attaining truth (sat) (“The Bhagavad Gita”). One can extract these shifts in defining the ideal notion of karma from Kṛṣṇa's counsel to Arjuna in the Gītā.


The Gītā's Third Teaching outlines a system of Discipline of Action or karma-yoga which manifests karma as the individual making appropriate moral and societally responsible choices, while retaining detachment from selfish incentives. In response to these selfish incentives, Kṛṣṇa advises “Be intent on action, / not on the fruits of action; / avoid attraction to the fruits / and attachment to inaction!” (Miller 38). Kṛṣṇa then proceeds to explain that detachment is the only way mankind can truly achieve mokṣa. He reveals: “Always perform with detachment / any action you must do; / performing action with detachment, / one achieves supreme good” (Miller 45). Furthermore, Kṛṣṇa foreshadows his divine identity as he urges Arjuna to “Foster the gods with this, / and may they foster you; / by enriching one another, / you will achieve a higher good.” Through these verses, Kṛṣṇa addresses the convergence of two very different forms of karma. Vedic ritual action and Upaniṣadic internalized knowledge and meditation merge to create a hybrid form of karma stressing social responsibility, loyalty to dharma, and detachment from selfishness.

The concept of karma has taken the role of Hinduism's ambassador to foreign cultures, especially to the West – where the term is commonplace in daily conversation. But to truly understand the roots and development of karma, one must study the teachings of fundamental Hindu texts such as the Veda, the Upaniṣads, and the Bhagavad Gītā. Thus, karma's journey from fulfillment of Vedic ritual, to internalized philosophy, to societally appropriate dharma manifests the eternal struggle over the nature of 'action' in the Hindu tradition. A thoughtful analysis of these texts reveals how the concept of karma has changed to adapt to people's transforming notions of the world through dharma, atman, and brahman. In these ways – through its cemented role throughout Hinduism's history – karma presents itself as a core principle to Hinduism's adherents.

Tuesday, April 26, 2011

West Beyrouth (بيروت الغربية)‎ Film Review



Ziad Doueiri's 1998 film, West Beyrouth, seeks to understand the zeitgeist of the 1975 Lebanese Civil War. The director approaches this goal through the examination of a group of adolescents and their interactions, adventures, and concerns. Beirut is divided into Muslim and Christian districts, Al-Gharbiah (The West) and Al-Sharqiah (The East), respectively. Nonetheless, young adults such as the main protagonist, Tarek, continue to hate attending school, forming their first crushes, and arguing with their parents. In this sense, West Beirut attempts to chronicle ordinary life in Beirut in a time of uncertainty. The nature of Beirut is changing, but so is the nature of its people – especially the youth.

In his film, Doueiri largely deals with social concerns and shifts in the Beirut of the mid-1970s, rather than the political or military happenings. Therefore, the audience gains a grasp on a certain lifestyle of the people. For example, the entrenchment of the French system (especially in education) calls upon colonialist themes and notions of the East that had remained unchanged in European perspective for millennia. This attitude is represented in the first scene as Tarek is reprimanded for standing for nationalism over the French. As the film continues, the audience also learns of Tarek's distaste for French literature as well as Arabs; he proudly claims Phoenician origins. Moreover, Tarek serves as a bridge between the Muslim and Christian peoples of Beirut. His friends are a Muslim boy, Omar, and a Christian girl, May. Therefore, Tarek symbolizes a new generation of Lebanese – one concerned over the entity of nation, rather than faith. He represents a strand of hope for Lebanon's unity and future.

As the film highlights a contentious era in history, the film today is likely to evoke different feelings from different areas of the world. Both Americans and Lebanese are likely to view the era portrayed in West Beyrouth as foreshadowing the current situation in the country. Moreover, the film might surface a feeling of helplessness that the 1975 conflict presented in the film still continues today – religious factions are not at peace, internal politics has yet to mature, and Beirut is still threatened by the actions of bordering powers such as Syria and Israel. Similarly, Americans might place the film into their own narrative pertaining to Arabs and the Middle East. They might view the conflict in the film through the perspective of 9/11 and two wars. Contrarily, the social and light-hearted aspect of much of the film encourages the audience to appreciate certain nuances in shared humanity. And it is these nuances of love, compassion, and community in Doueiri's story that manage to dominate lesser themes.


Finally, what is the image of the greater Middle East and the Arab population that the audience will take with it when leaving the cinema? They will notice the amount of fluidity between the cultures of the West and Lebanon. The ubiquity of Western brand names, music, and pop culture references is clear. Audiences will notice the permeable nature of English words such as “Ok” – and knowledge of French literature, history, and language. Audiences will notice traits of 1970s Lebanon similar to 1970s United States or Europe: the pre-occupation with hedonism, sex, and smoking. Moreover, audiences will notice the spectrum of ideologies and lifestyles present in Lebanon. The film reaches the level of the common Lebanese street, past the heightened, contentious politics most viewers experience through the news. Viewers see Tarek's family that is liberal and forward-looking. But they also hear Omar's narration of his father's shift to a stricter adherence to Islam – forbidding music and television, requesting that his wife adopt the hijab. The audience realizes these ideological debates and dichotomies similar to ones ongoing in their own society. And through this exposure to an Arab film that is based on social realities and relationships, rather than politics, audiences imbibe the humanity that exists in the Middle East – bringing people closer together and wiser in their judgement.

Sunday, April 24, 2011

Ram Ke Naam: A Critical Look at the Ayodhya Dispute


Anand Patwardhan's 1992 documentary Ram Ke Naam (In the Name of God) chronicles the tumultuous scene leading up to the eventual tragic destruction of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya. People are killed around India, religious sentiments are hurt – but Indian right-wing politics benefits. In the documentary, Patwardhan follows former Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) president L. K. Advani on his “Rath Yatra” – a right-wing campaign to mobilize Hindu unity for the creation of a Ram Mandir where the Masjid stood. The campaign and its consequential destruction of the Babri Masjid resulted in communal Hindu-Muslim violence across the nation, perhaps violence unmatched since the Partition era. Moreover, the perspective of the film depicts how a potentially small issue was exploited by right-wing political entities to enact a movement nationwide – a shift in primary identity for many people from being “Indian” to “Hindu” or even “BJP.” In that sense, Ram ke Naam manifests the debilitating, dangerous fire that spreads when ideology is preferred over practical understanding and tolerance.

As one watches the series of events that unfold in Patwardhan's narrative, many small points prove to become integral in the development of the rhetoric expressed by the Hindu right-wing. For example, Pujari Lal Das of the Ramjanmabhoomi Temple mentions the striking “political game” played by conservatives in which the right takes advantage of small subtleties to “cash in on Hindu votes.” Furthermore, Pujari Lal Das emphasizes how the Vishwa Hindu Parishad's (VHP) support of the Temple is purely exploitive of political sentiments, with no true passion for the Temple establishment and its spiritual significance. He notes that the VHP does not pray at the Ramjanmabhoomi Temple, nor does the organization make donations. As Lal Das vehemently states, the politicians do not mind the killings, but only mind money and seats in Parliament.

Another interesting point in the social tensions is Patwardhan's portrayal of the lower castes along the path of the “Rath Yatra.” They find themselves lost amongst the crowd of hot-headed ideologists; they realize only the daily concerns of the people. Given Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs, these poverty-stricken people whose physiological needs are not met do not deal with ideological extremism. Often, the most rational and liberal views come from people of this socio-economic group. For example, a homeless woman holds her baby and watches Advani pass through. She demands: “What do they do for the poor? We live on the pavements...!” Similarly, another group of men also complain of the misplaced priorities of the Indian right-wing; politicians' ideological issues defeat the people's practical concerns. They suggest that both a Mandir and the Masjid should stand in Ayodhya – and that this conflict itself causes economic problems for ordinary people. In essence, this theme shows how the Babri Masjid conflict was largely a result of political exploitation by a select few right-wing Hindus. The conflict was not born and bred by the people, but rather born and bred at the top to be disseminated as political propaganda to the greater populace.

The viewing of this film comes at a critical point in the course as one examines Hinduism's reform into today's modern, consolidated spiritual and political power. Figures such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy and Swami Vivekananda are applauded for introducing Hinduism to the world as tolerant and progressive, but what has happened to their vision today? Is this is the same perspective of Hinduism that one will perceive through today's news headlines? At the 1893 World Parliament of Religions in Chicago, Vivekananda introduced the West to a reformed Hinduism with this impression: “We believe not only in universal toleration but we accept all religions as true. However, only two decades ago, we hear chants from the right-wing: “Maarenge maraaenge mandir wahiin banaaenge!” and “Jo swapna dekhte Baabar ke / Armaan miTaa-kar maanenge!” – and this rhetoric of hatred and intolerance has only augmented in recent years. Therefore, a study of Hinduism's key figures follows the same portrayal of idealism in Hindu society such as that idealism shown in the Ramayana. Ideally, Hinduism is tolerant; however, in reality, Hinduism is susceptible to the same pressures of politics and extremism just as many of the world's other faiths.

Anand Patwardhan's Ram Ke Naam documents a formative event in the development of how India's Hindu and Muslim populations understand religion, politics, and the distinction between the two in their country. The event reveals to Muslims their own helplessness when the government falls into the hands of the Hindu right-wing, mobilized by ideology and united by identity. The same event reveals to Hindus their own responsibility as the nation's vast majority to employ democracy to present India in a manner respecting tolerance, pluralism, secularism, and the 'bhaai-bhaai' mentality. In this sense, both Hindus and Muslims have a common goal as Indians – to uphold the dreams of Gandhi and Nehru, in creating an environment fulfilling Vivekananda's presentation of India's legacy of acceptance throughout history. 

Watch 'Ram Ke Naam' starting with Part 1